It was a hot day, but a day of tremendous hope. As I stood at the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963, preparing to give my speech to the 250,000 gathered, I could actually imagine our building an interracial democracy. In the sea of humanity before me, I saw blacks and whites, Protestants, Catholics and Jews. I saw people in my organization, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, wearing buttons with a black hand shaking a white hand--and that became our symbol. We really did believe in integration and in the creation of what we called "the beloved community."
The march grew out of the powerful movement gathering force in the South. There had been a series of demonstrations against segregation--in lunch counters, restaurants and bus stations. Our friends had been jailed, beaten, battered by fire hoses and attacked by dogs. Medgar Evers had been shot dead in Mississippi. I had almost lost my life in Montgomery, Ala, at the Greyhound bus station, when I was beaten unconscious. By '63, there was a sense that we all had to go to Washington to push for integration and justice. We were petitioning the government with our feet, with our voices and with our sense of dignity. And out of that we won the landmark civil-rights laws that ended Jim Crow forever.
So it distresses me when I see efforts now to resegregate America. As we did in the old days, we must fight for an integrated society. That's what we were marching for in 1963. But I cannot say the same about the Million Man March. I cannot overlook past statements by Louis Farrakhan--and others associated with the Nation of Islam--which are divisive and bigoted. Although its general goat of encouraging African-American men to be responsible is sound, the march is fatally undermined by its chief sponsor. And Dr. King would never have called for an all-black march. I am not going to attend because it goes against what I have worked for -- tolerance, inclusion, integration.
The Million Man March is supposed to create solidarity within the African-American male community. But do we want to be separate and stand apart? No. I believe that not only is integration morally right, it is a practical necessity for African-Americans. As a minority, blacks are destined to become worse off economically and socially--not better --if we isolate ourselves. To advance, we all must move up or down together.
That's why I was alarmed by the reaction to the O. J. Simpson verdict. It was sad for me to see blacks cheering the acquittal as some kind of racial victory. And I know better than most the long history of the criminal-justice system's abuse of black people. I remember standing out in the Alabama fields in 1955 as a 15-year-old when I heard that Emmett Till, a black teenager, had been lynched and found in Tallahatchie County, Miss., only to have an all-white jury acquit the white men who later confessed to the crime. I know the history.
We're going through a very upsetting period. Thirty years ago, I thought we would be much further down the road toward an integrated society by now. Today, when I speak about the "beloved community," I feel like a square. Some people agree with me but are afraid to talk about it, afraid they will be considered old-fashioned. Some say Dr. King's ideals have been tested and are no longer viable. But I think these principles are immutable. We must not separate ourselves. We have to believe in the possibilities of one America, one community, one house, one family.
Questions:
1. Divide this text into two main parts and give each one a title.
2. What is John Lewis's ideal?
The march grew out of the powerful movement gathering force in the South. There had been a series of demonstrations against segregation--in lunch counters, restaurants and bus stations. Our friends had been jailed, beaten, battered by fire hoses and attacked by dogs. Medgar Evers had been shot dead in Mississippi. I had almost lost my life in Montgomery, Ala, at the Greyhound bus station, when I was beaten unconscious. By '63, there was a sense that we all had to go to Washington to push for integration and justice. We were petitioning the government with our feet, with our voices and with our sense of dignity. And out of that we won the landmark civil-rights laws that ended Jim Crow forever.
So it distresses me when I see efforts now to resegregate America. As we did in the old days, we must fight for an integrated society. That's what we were marching for in 1963. But I cannot say the same about the Million Man March. I cannot overlook past statements by Louis Farrakhan--and others associated with the Nation of Islam--which are divisive and bigoted. Although its general goat of encouraging African-American men to be responsible is sound, the march is fatally undermined by its chief sponsor. And Dr. King would never have called for an all-black march. I am not going to attend because it goes against what I have worked for -- tolerance, inclusion, integration.
The Million Man March is supposed to create solidarity within the African-American male community. But do we want to be separate and stand apart? No. I believe that not only is integration morally right, it is a practical necessity for African-Americans. As a minority, blacks are destined to become worse off economically and socially--not better --if we isolate ourselves. To advance, we all must move up or down together.
That's why I was alarmed by the reaction to the O. J. Simpson verdict. It was sad for me to see blacks cheering the acquittal as some kind of racial victory. And I know better than most the long history of the criminal-justice system's abuse of black people. I remember standing out in the Alabama fields in 1955 as a 15-year-old when I heard that Emmett Till, a black teenager, had been lynched and found in Tallahatchie County, Miss., only to have an all-white jury acquit the white men who later confessed to the crime. I know the history.
We're going through a very upsetting period. Thirty years ago, I thought we would be much further down the road toward an integrated society by now. Today, when I speak about the "beloved community," I feel like a square. Some people agree with me but are afraid to talk about it, afraid they will be considered old-fashioned. Some say Dr. King's ideals have been tested and are no longer viable. But I think these principles are immutable. We must not separate ourselves. We have to believe in the possibilities of one America, one community, one house, one family.
Questions:
1. Divide this text into two main parts and give each one a title.
2. What is John Lewis's ideal?
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Réponse :
C'était une journée chaude, mais pleine d'espoir. Alors que je me tenais au Lincoln Memorial le 28 août 1963, me préparant à prononcer mon discours devant les 250 000 personnes rassemblées, je pouvais en fait imaginer que nous construisions une démocratie interraciale. Dans la mer de l'humanité devant moi, j'ai vu des noirs et des blancs, des protestants, des catholiques et des juifs. J'ai vu des membres de mon organisation, le Comité de coordination de la non-violence étudiante, porter des boutons avec une main noire serrant une main blanche, et cela est devenu notre symbole. Nous avons vraiment cru en l'intégration et en la création de ce que nous appelions "la communauté bien-aimée".
La marche est née d'un puissant mouvement qui s'est développé dans le Sud. Il y a eu une série de manifestations contre la ségrégation - dans les comptoirs, les restaurants et les gares routières. Nos amis avaient été emprisonnés, battus, battus par des lances à incendie et attaqués par des chiens. Medgar Evers avait été abattu dans le Mississippi. J'avais presque perdu la vie à Montgomery, Ala, à la gare routière de Greyhound, lorsque j'ai été battue inconsciemment. En 1963, on avait l'impression que nous devions tous nous rendre à Washington pour promouvoir l'intégration et la justice. Nous présentions des pétitions au gouvernement avec nos pieds, nos voix et notre sens de la dignité. Et de là, nous avons gagné les lois historiques sur les droits civils qui ont mis fin à Jim Crow pour toujours.
C'est pourquoi j'ai de la peine à voir les efforts que nous déployons maintenant pour séparer l'Amérique des autres pays du reste du monde. Comme nous l'avons fait dans le passé, nous devons lutter pour une société intégrée. C'est pour cela que nous marchions en 1963. Mais je ne peux pas en dire autant de la Marche du Million d'Hommes. Je ne peux ignorer les déclarations passées de Louis Farrakhan - et d'autres personnes associées à la Nation de l'Islam - qui sont divisantes et bigotes. Bien que sa volonté générale d'encourager les Afro-Américains à être responsables soit saine, la marche est fatalement sapée par son principal commanditaire. Et le Dr King n'aurait jamais appelé à une marche entièrement noire. Je ne vais pas y assister parce que cela va à l'encontre de ce pour quoi j'ai travaillé : la tolérance, l'inclusion, l'intégration.
La Marche du million d'hommes est censée créer une solidarité au sein de la communauté afro-américaine des hommes. Mais voulons-nous être séparés et nous démarquer ? Non. Je crois que l'intégration n'est pas seulement moralement juste, c'est aussi une nécessité pratique pour les Afro-Américains. En tant que minorité, les Noirs sont destinés à s'aggraver sur les plans économique et social, et non à s'améliorer, si nous nous isolons. Pour avancer, nous devons tous monter ou descendre ensemble.
C'est pourquoi j'ai été alarmé par la réaction au verdict d'O. J. Simpson. C'était triste pour moi de voir des Noirs applaudir l'acquittement comme une sorte de victoire raciale. Et je connais mieux que quiconque la longue histoire de l'abus des Noirs par le système de justice pénale. Je me souviens m'être fait remarquer dans les champs de l'Alabama en 1955, à l'âge de 15 ans, lorsque j'ai appris qu'Emmett Till, un adolescent noir, avait été lynché et trouvé dans le comté de Tallahatchie, mademoiselle, mais qu'un jury entièrement blanc avait acquitté les hommes blancs qui ont plus tard avoué le crime. Je connais l'histoire.
Nous traversons une période très perturbante. Il y a trente ans, je pensais que nous serions déjà bien plus avancés sur la voie de l'intégration sociale. Aujourd'hui, quand je parle de la "communauté bien-aimée", je me sens comme un carré. Certaines personnes sont d'accord avec moi, mais elles ont peur d'en parler, elles ont peur d'être considérées comme démodées. Certains disent que les idéaux du Dr King ont été mis à l'épreuve et ne sont plus viables. Mais je pense que ces principes sont immuables. Nous ne devons pas nous séparer. Nous devons croire aux possibilités d'une Amérique, d'une communauté, d'une maison, d'une famille.
Explications :
1. Divisez ce texte en deux parties principales et donnez à chacune un titre.
2. Quel est l'idéal de John Lewis ?
j ai juste traduit j espère que ça t aidera